The Role of Women in Rebuilding the Russian Economy

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The Role of Women in Rebuilding the Russian Economy

Monica S. Fong

Studies of Economies in Transformation Paper Number 10break

The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/THE WORLD BANK 1818 H Street, N.W.

Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A.

Manufactured in the United States of America First printing September 1993

Papers in the "Studies of Economies in Transformation" series present the results of policy analysis and research on the states of the former USSR. The papers have been prepared by World Bank staff and consultants and issued by the World Bank's Europe and Central Asia Country Department III. Funding for the effort has been provided in part by the Technical Cooperation Program of the World Bank for states of the former USSR. In light of the worldwide interest in the problems and prospects of these countries, dissemination of these findings is encouraged for discussion and comment.

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The Role of Women in Rebuilding the Russian Economy 1

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ISSN: 1014−997X

Monica S. Fong is a socio−economist and women in development specialist in the Agriculture Operations Division of Country Department III, Middle East and North Africa Region of the World Bank.

Library of Congress Cataloging−in−Publication Data

Fong, Monica S., 1942−

The role of women in rebuilding the Russian economy / Monica S.

Fong.

p. cm. — (Studies of economies in transformation ; paper no.

10.)

Includes bibliographical references.

ISBN 0−8213−2626−0

1. Women—Russia (Federation)—Economic conditions. 2. Russia—

Economic conditions—1991− I. Title. II. Title: Russia—the role of women in rebuilding the economy. III. Series.

HQ1665.15.F66 1993

331.4´0947—dc20 93−31979 CIPcontinue

List of Tables and Figures

Tables

Table 1: Proportion Female of the Population of Russia, 19391990

link

Table 2: Population by Age Group and Sex, 1989 Census of Population

link

Table 3: Age at First Marriage, 19701991 link Table 4: Marital Status by Sex Age 16+, Russia, 1989 link Table 5: Marriage and Divorce Rates, 19701991 link Table 6: Parental Leaves and Benefits on Child Birth for Selected European Countries and Russia

link

Table 7: Level of Education by Sex, for the Employed Population, 1989 Population

link

Table 8: Labor Force Participation by Sex and Industry, 1990 link Table 9: Average Wage Increase in Selected Sectors, 19861991 link Table 10: Time Use of Men and Women Workers Outside

Agriculture, 1990

link

Table 11: Age of Eligibility to Old Age Pension for Men and Women in Selected European Countries and Russia

link

Table 12: Estimated Unemployment and Reemployment by Sex, First Six Months, 1992

link

Table 13: Women's Representation in the Legislature, Selected European Countries, 1987

link Figures

Figure 1: Birth (BR) and Abortion (AR) Rates in Russia, 19801992

link

Figure 2: Maternal (MMR) and Infant Mortality (IMR) Rates in Russia, 19701992

link

List of Tables and Figures 3

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Foreword

The strong presence of women in the labor force together with the almost exclusive reliance on women for domestic work and child−care make the role of women vital to rebuilding the Russian economy and to ensuring family welfare during the transition. The feminization of poverty underlines the need for specific attention to women as caretakers of the young, the elderly and the disabled during this period. At the same time, calls for a return to patriarchy permeate the public debate on economic change, specifically the role of women.

It is in this context that the report addresses the role of female employment and social protection in rebuilding the Russian economy. It summarizes the current condition of women in Russia, including their declining health, and reviews the system of leaves and allowances that supports households in combining full−time work and

child−care. Women's labor force participation, their income and career structure, and female unemployment, placement and re−training needs are examined. Also covered are the characteristics of women pensioners and their role in the labor market.

In order to permit child−bearing and rearing while maintaining full economic participation, Russia had established extensive protective legislation and labor market concessions for women at the enterprise level. In the transition to a mixed market economy, these concessions hinder the free movement of labor and make female labor costly. To prevent the economic marginalization of women, who make up more than half the labor force, alternative

arrangements for child−care are necessary, involving changes both at policy and household levels. To be fully effective, therefore, labor market reform must be accompanied by reform in family policy.

The report examines reform requirements in the labor market, family policy, pensions, maternal and child health, and in providing information on women in the transition and proposes areas for priority attention by government and donors to ensure equal protection for women. Supplementary and cost effective training and support

mechanisms by non−governmental organizations to increase women's productivity are also suggested.

The study was initiated under the Technical Cooperation Agreement between the World Bank and the

Government of Russia, as part of a study on employment and social protection, Russia: Social Protection During Transition and Beyond . It is intended for policy makers and adviders on labor market issues, social safety nets and family policy in the Russian Federation and other states of the former USSR. Those interested in the role of women in the transition to a market economy will also find the report useful.break

RUSSELL J. CHEETHAM DIRECTOR

COUNTRY DEPARTMENT III

EUROPE AND CENTRAL ASIA REGION

Acknowledgements

The author gratefully acknowledges invaluable cooperation and insightful comments provided by many Russian officials, scholars and organizations, in particular the Committee on Family, Maternity and Childhood of the President; the Committee for Women's Affairs, Family Care, Maternity and Childhood of the Supreme Soviet; the State Committee on Statistics; the Women's Union of Russia; and the Center for Gender Studies of the Institute for Socio−Economic Studies of Population. Many useful comments and suggestions were given by World Bank staff, including Kathie Krumm, Dominique Lallement, Robert Liebenthal, Timothy King, Jeni Klugman, Lynn Wardle, and Branco Milanovic. Data collection and analysis, translation, and field support provided by Lyuba Gurjeba and Tanya Proskuryakova made the study possible.break

Foreword 4

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Abstract

Efficiency and Equity

The efficiency and pace of rehabilitation of the Russian economy will depend heavily on women. Women comprise the majority of the population and the labor force. Women, moreover, carry most of the responsibility for household welfare through domestic work, and their traditional caretaker responsibility for the young, the old and the disabled plays a key role in the social welfare of these groups. These arrangements were possible through closely intertwined family and employment policies that provided a wide range of "concessions", in the form of leaves and benefits allowing women to fulfill these responsibilities for the common welfare. Women's active participation is therefore vital both to the progress of reform and to the level of living during the economic rehabilitation.

Special attention to women during the economic transformation is warranted also on equity grounds.

Traditionally, women outnumbered men in poor households and rapid inflation has intensified this trend, especially for households dependent on social subsidies. These households now face greater risk of poverty and more precarious survival than other groups. Most of the unemployed are women, and estimates of numbers on administrative leave from work suggest that the majority are women. Maternal and infant mortality are increasing, which are early warning signals of women's precarious health status.

Responsibilities of both men and women are changing, in the labor market, and in the areas of household and social welfare. Extensive labor market concessions to women hinder the free movement of labor in a mixed market economy and many enterprises are now reluctant to employ women. In the short term, alternative arrangements for child−care, both at policy level and at household level are necessary to prevent the economic marginalization of women and to fulfill the responsibilities formerly discharged through enterprise concessions.

Close links between family and employment policy make reform in family policy necessary for labor market reform and vice versa.

A Catalytic Force in the Transformation

Women are more highly educated and have a broader educational back−ground than men; retraining for women can therefore be shorter and more cost−effective. Sectors with potential for growth − commerce and trade, banking, and social services − employ many more women than men. Although not usually recognized, women also have considerable management skills from the day−to−day running ofcontinue

a household under increasing economic scarcity that can now be put to wider use in small−scale enterprise development. In many ways, women are potential catalysts in the transformation process, and a proactive stance on women in social policies during economic restructuring is called for.

Social protection and labor market issues relevant to women cover a broad range of policies and actions. The Government and the donor community will need to consider the effect of policy reform on women in the labor market − employment, unemployment and child−care − in family policy, pensions, maternal and child health and in information on women in the transition. Additional support mechanisms, provided by non−governmental organizations, can become supplementary and cost effective means of channeling women's abilities into productive endeavors.break

Abstract 5

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1—

Introduction

In Russia, the majority of the population as well as the work force are women, and the efficiency and pace of rehabilitation of the Russian economy will depend heavily on them. Women carry most of the responsibility for immediate household welfare through domestic work, and play a key role in the social welfare of the young, the old and the disabled as traditional caretakers of these groups. On grounds of efficiency alone, therefore, women's active involvement and support is crucial to both the progress of reform and the standard of living during the economic transformation.

Special attention to women during this transformation is also warranted on equity grounds. In the past, women were overrepresented in poor households; households with the greatest decline in living standards now have more women than men and face greater risk of poverty and more precarious survival than other groups.

To safeguard achievements in social equity and human capital development and ensure equal social protection for all, irrespective of age and gender, priority areas for policy attention must include:

the labor market: employment, unemployment and child−care;

family policy reform;

pensions;

maternal and child health; and

information on women in the transition.

In addressing these issues, this report summarizes the current condition and status of women in Russia, beginning with a review of the demographic situation of women, and women's role in the family with special attention to single parent households. This is followed by a review of the system of leaves and allowances that support both single and two parent households in combining full−time work and childcare. Women's declining reproductive and non−reproductive health is then addressed.

Women's high levels of education are examined, their participation in the labor force, the concentration in certain fields, levels of skill and income and career structure. Women's roles in economic production are closely related to their reproductive roles in Russia and necessitates an examination of the ideology of work, the use of time and the system of family allowances. Also covered are the characteristics of women pensioners and their contributions to the labor force. Women's unemployment, placement and re−training conclude the review of women's labor force participation.

Reform has brought great changes in women's political position and organizational patterns, and these are outlined in the next two sections. Lastly, there is a brief overview of research on women's issues and the function of such analysis in the transition and beyond.break

2—

Past and Present

1— Introduction 6

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Women in the Population

Russia is a country with low fertility and mortality1 and has more women than men in the population. In 1990 the number of women per 100 men was 111, a gradual increase over the past few decades from the very low

proportions of men following the Second World War (see Table 1). The very large wartime losses in the male population have had profound effects on the fabric of Russian society. Women's full−time economic activity has now been the way of life for several generations.

Table 1: Proportion Female of the Population of Russia, 19391990.

Percent Women

Women Per 100 Men

1939 53 112

1950 56 128

1959 55 124

1970 54 120

1979 54 117

1989 53 114

1990 53 111

Source : Goskomstat, 1992

Regional differences in the number of women per 100 men range from 120 in the North West (122 in St.

Petersburg, 118 in Novgorod and Pskov) to 99 in the Far East, according to the 1989 census. They reflect

differences in the age structure, in birth rates by ethnicity and in economic activities of the population. The urban and rural distribution by sex is similar with 114 women per 100 men in urban and 113 in rural areas, according the 1989 census of population. There is, however, a wide variation around these ratios in different areas in rural areas; there are only 86 women per 100 men in the Koryak Autonomous Region in Kamchatka, while there are 128 per 100 men in Belgorod Oblast near the Ukrainian border (Goskomstat, 1991 b). In some age groups there are also significant urban−rural differentials by sex; there is a deficit of women age 2045 in rural areas and a surplus in urban areas.

Age Structure

The age−sex structure of Russia reflects a low rate of population growth, as well as the heavy losses of men during the Second World War and excess male mortality in the post−war period. Women outnumber men more than two to one in the population over 60, among retired persons and pensioners (see Table 2). This has profound consequences for pension reform.break

Women in the Population 7

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Table 2: Population by Age Group and Sex, 1989 Census of Population

Men Women

Age Number Proportion Number Proportion

02 3,698,697 0.51 3,556,437 0.49

35 3,682,295 0.51 3,558,428 0.49

69 4,516,421 0.51 4,379,624 0.49

1015 6,391,220 0.51 6,211,985 0.49

1619 4,099,593 0.52 3,857,052 0.48

2024 4,955,983 0.51 4,798,637 0.49

2529 6,373,601 0.51 6,183,633 0.49

3034 6,472,859 0.50 6,389,950 0.50

3539 5,821,314 0.50 5,862,787 0.50

4044 3,775,687 0.49 3,886,934 0.51

4549 3,767,156 0.47 4,187,744 0.53

5054 4,453,975 0.46 5,139,558 0.54

5559 3,719,890 0.44 4,679,289 0.56

6064+ 6,945,932 0.31 15,570,350 0.69

Total 68,713,869 0.47 78,308,000 0.53

Source : Age Composition of the Population, Census of Russia, 1989, Moscow, Goskomstat, 1990.

Women in the Family

Age at Marriage

The average age at first marriage is 22.5 for women and 24.7 for men, which is at the lower (or younger) end of the European marriage pattern. Although both men and women now marry younger, the age difference between spouses increased by half a year and women now marry older men than they did 20 years ago (see Table 3).

Young women therefore have less professional experience, lower wages, and less maturity relative to their husbands than in the past. Further research and analysis is required to determine whether this is a move towards a more patriarchal marriages or a traditional demographic ''marriage Squeeze", resulting from the age structure of the population.break

Women in the Family 8

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Table 3: Age at First Marriage, 19701991

Year Men Women

Male/Female Difference

1970 25.7 24.2 1.5

1975 24.8 23.2 1.6

1980 24.6 23.1 1.5

1985 24.7 23.2 1.5

1986 24.9 23.3 1.6

1987 25.0 23.3 1.7

1988 25.1 23.2 1.9

1989 24.9 22.9 2.0

1990 24.7 22.6 2.1

1991 24.7 22.5 2.2

Source : Demographic Division, State Commit−

tee on Statistics

Marriage and Divorce

Although the vast majority (86.8 percent) of women age 16 and above are married or have been married, over a quarter of all women in this age group are currently widowed or divorced (Table 4). Marriage rates have declined over the past 20 years, in part the result of the changing age structure of the population, and divorce rates have increased as well (Table 5). Although crude divorce rates are notoriously difficult to interpret, they are high in Russia, compared to European countries. and have increased in recent years. Crude divorce rates for 1987 were 3.8 in Russia for 1990, 4.8 in the United States, 2.9 in the United Kingdom, 2.8 in Hungary, 2.2 in Sweden and 1.3 in Poland for 1989. In some urban areas of Russia, rates as high as 5.6 for St. Petersburg and 5.2 for Moscow were registered (Stevenson). Most divorces are initiated by women, and the main reasons given are alcoholism, poor housing and the burden of housework. Again, an in depth investigation is necessary to determine whether the recent increase can be directly attributed to increased social and economic stress.break

Table 4: Marital Status by Sex Age 16+, Russia, 1989

Men (Percent)

Women (Percent)

Single 19.6 13.2

Married 71.8 59.8

Widowed 2.5 18.2

Divorced 5.7 8.5

All 100.0 100.0

Source: Socio−Demographic Characteristics of the Russian

Marriage and Divorce 9

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Population , vol. I, Moscow, Goskomstat, 1991.

Table 5: Marriage and Divorce Rates, 19701991

Year

Marriage (Per 1,000)

Divorce (Per 1,000)

1970 10.1 3.0

1975 10.0 3.6

1990 8.9 3.8

1991 8.0 4.0

Source : Goskomstat

Incomplete Families

A large proportion of families with children under 18 are "incomplete", i.e. without one or both parents. Most are headed by women: 2.2 million families, or 11 percent of all households consist of mother and children only, while households with only father and children are about one percent. Despite special government allowances, including adjustments, these families are among the poorest in Russia and have fared badly in the current rapid inflation.

Households with a single bread−winner are a priori at high risk during the economic crisis; the erosion of family allowances and wide−spread female unemployment has further increased the vulnerability of this group.

Family Allowances and Child−Care Leaves

Bearing and rearing future generations in a society of near universal labor force participation was managed as a system of leaves, concessions and allowances that combined full time work with part−time child−rearing for the female labor force. The responsibility for child−rearing fell largely on women, rather than on the government, the male labor force, or different combinations of these three parties. These concessions and allowances have become part and parcel of the way of life for women in Russia, and still have a profound influence on women's approach both to the politics of work and the organization of their time. Family policy and employment policy have become inextricably linked, and change in one necessarily entails change in the other.

The many different allowances to ensure all children an equal start in life were important achievements of the Communist society and an impressive investment in human capital. They form an elaborate system of social support for children, leaves for working mothers, the disabled, the wives of the military, students, pensioners and the unemployed et al.. From time to time these allowances are adjusted to keep up with inflation following

approximately increases in the minimum wage, but it is widely felt that they are not adequate to meeting increased cost of living for families with children, in particular those headed by women. A summary of allowances is given in Annex 1, Table 2.

The leaves and benefits provided in Russia are more extensive than in most countries in Western Europe (Table 6). However, they are tied to the minimum wage rather than actual wages and provide relatively much less compensation for the parent using the leave. Since women are, on the whole, less well paid than men this has meant that well over 90 percent of child−care leaves are taken by women.

Incomplete Families 10

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The system of leaves and allowances is elaborate and complex. It is targeted, on the one hand, to the parent (or in some case the caretaker) of the child, to compensate for earnings foregone, and, on the other to the child, to meet the cost of upbringing. There are, in addition to these basic allowances for all, special allowances for children of the military, children of single mothers, 1 children with aids and disabled children. Allowances begin with paid maternity leave 70 days before and 70 days after giving birth for women who have a contract of employment, and the maternity grant , set at three times the minimum wage. (For mothers who have worked less than a year, the allowance iscontinue

Table 6: Parental Leave and Benefits on Child Birth for Selected European Countries and Russia

Time (Weeks) Before After

Percentage of Wage Level

Conditions of

Participation Eligibility

Belgium 6 8 7580 6 month

contrib.

issured

Denmark 4 24 90 min. income father/mother

France 6 10 90 10 months insured

Germany 6 8 100 12 weeks mother

+ cash ibid. parent

grant Great Britain

11 7 90 26 wk contrib. employees

Italy 9 13 80 none insured, incl.

father

Netherlands 4 12 100 none women

employees

Portugal 4.5 9 100 6 mth ins. employees

Spain 6 8 75 9 mth. ins. employees in

industry and services

Sweden 7 64 90 insured child−caring

parent

Russia 10 10 100 a/ 12 mth work mother

+ cash 300 a/

grant 78 30 a/ care giver

a/ Percent of minimum wage.

Note: These data summarize major trends in coverage but do not give complete information on exceptions and special circumstances.

45 percent of the minimum wage.) This is followed by a monthly child allowance of 80 percent of the minimum wage for children up to age one and a half, which may be supplemented by a child−care allowance, set at 35

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percent of minimum wage to compensate for lost earnings during the care for children in this age group, paid to mothers, age 18 and above who have worked for at least one year. An additional compensatory child−care allowance , equal to 35 percent of the minimum wage, is available to mothers or other care−taker to care for a child under three years of age.

An extended child allowance of 45 percent of the minimum wage is available for children between the ages of 1.5 and 6 years of age. (Children of the military, children living with a guardian, children in orphanages and children with AIDS receive 60 percent of the minimum wage under this allowance.) Children of single mothers and those who do not receive child support from fathers, may receive an additional 45 percent of the minimum wage up to age six, when it is raised to 50 percent and continued until age 16. In May 1992, special cost−of−living

compensations were introduced to cover the increased cost ofcontinue

children's needs, ranging from 30 percent of the minimum wage for children less than six to 40 percent for children age 1316.

Other allowances include special shops for subsidized milk for families with children under two years of age, whose income per person does not reach twice the minimum wage excluding allowances and compensations. This amounted to 4.8 Rbls. per person per day in October 1992. Lastly, a one time school uniform allowance is paid to children when they begin school and at the age of 13.

Other regulations have been designed to protect families with small children and allowing the working mother to spend time on child−care. Such laws generally limit the right of employers, but theoretically leave options open to women. They include a broad range of protective legislation prohibiting the dismissal of pregnant women,

work−load concessions for pregnant women or mothers of young children, prohibition against night work and over−time for mothers of small children, flex−time, part−time work, home−based work, nursing intervals, and additional paid and non−paid leave to care for sick children, etc. In many places of work, various informal leave arrangements permit food shopping under increasing scarcity. In October 1992, legislation prohibiting the dismissal of women with children under 3 was re−enacted.

Administration and Finance. Family allowances and benefits are administered and/or financed by several different institutions. This system needs to be simplified in response to changing realities. Maternity benefits (leave and grant), child−care allowances up to age one and a half, as well as leave to care for sick children, are financed out of enterprise contributions to the Social Insurance Fund, SIF (5.4 percent of the total payroll). The SIF is managed by the Federation of Independent Trade Unions of Russia, but benefits are usually administered by the enterprise. Child allowances (basic and extended), and allowances for single mothers are administered by the Pension Fund, supplemented from the budget as needed, and paid either by the enterprise or the local social security offices. The cost of living allowance is administered and funded out of local budgets. Work load concessions for pregnant women or young mothers and nursing breaks are determined, funded and administered at enterprise level.

Various benefits from different sources have been concentrated at enterprise level for easier administration. This may have worked well under central planning, but there is now evidence that the system is losing its

effectiveness. Establishing eligibility and administration is a complex and time−consuming task for enterprises and government. Both information and enforcement regarding existing laws are lacking; Social Fund payments to some enterprises have sometimes been in arrears, and women have not received the payments on which they depend. Many women have sought assistance from women's organizations to obtain information on allowances to which they may be legally entitled but have not received. Streamlining the system to permit greater transparency, simplicity and administrative ease will be necessary to safe−guard the achievements of Russia's family benefit system.break

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Women's Health

Fertility and Reproductive Health

The reproductive health of women in Russia has improved over the past 20 years, but remains poor by West European standards. Available data on fertility, maternal and infant mortality and abortions of the past two years suggest a perceptible worsening of women's reproductive health. This situation is in need of close monitoring and urgent intervention (Figure 1 and Annex 1, Table 2).

Russia has experienced a gradual decline in the birth rate over the past 20 years. Since 1990 this decline has accelerated, and estimates for the first six months of 1992 put the annual birth rate at 11.2 per 1000 − a 12 percent decline over the same period a year before. For some oblasts the rate is even lower − 8.2 for the Moscow area, 8.6 for Tula and 9.2 in St. Petersburg. About ten percent of the decline can be attributed to the shrinking number of women of child−bearing age and 90 percent to fewer children per woman, particularly for second and higher order births (see Figure 1). A major factor in the declining birth rate is the worsening economic situation, which makes women reluctant to have children.

Further evidence of the decisions to postpone or forego childbearing is seen in the increasing abortion rates . Continued low availability of contraceptives has lead to reliance on abortion as a first, rather than a last resort, method of limiting family size. Abortion rates per 100 births have reversed their steady decline from 253 in 1970 to 170 in 1987, and were exceeding 200 in 1990. The number of induced non−hospital abortions is unknown (Mezentseva 1992 b). Considerable regional differences in abortion rates across Russia are believed to exist, with rates twice the national rate reported in some rayons within the Central Economic Region and in the far east (Mezentseva, 1992b, Thomsen, 1992).

Despite substantial improvements over the past 20 years, maternal and infant mortality have remained high in Russia (Figure 2). Maternal mortality, which stood at 105 per 100 000 deliveries in 1970 declined to below 50 in 198990. In the first ten months of 1991, however, it had crept up to 52 − which compares to 47 for Cuba, 50 for Chile and Honduras, 5 for Finland, 3 for Sweden, 13 for Poland and 15 for Hungary (Figure 2 and Annex 1, Table 2).

Infant mortality shows a similar pattern − a decline from 23 per 1000 in 1970 to 17.4 in 1991, when it began to increase again. It was estimated at 18 per 1000, in the first quarter of 1992, a 3 percent increase on the same period in 1991. There are, however, large regional differences, with pockets of higher infant mortality among some indigenous populations. It is difficult to compare infant mortality in Russia with other countries, because of different definitions of a live birth2 . When the WHO definition is adopted in Russia, as planned, an increase of 1530 percent is to be expected, although some put the figure much higher (Kingkade, 1989). The infant mortality rate in Russia could, in fact, rise to the 2025 per 1000 range, similar to that of Chile, Hungary, Malaysia or Korea, and much higher than most countries in Western Europe, which are in the 510 per 1,000 range.break

Women's Health 13

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Figure 1

Women's Health 14

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Figure 2

The decline in women's reproductive health is corroborated by increases in the number of children born with genetic disorders, which is reported to have increased 22−fold over the past 15 years (Interlegal Research Center).

Moreover, an analysis of infant mortality by cause of death, shows an increase in causes related to the mother's health, such as peri−natal mortality and congenital malformations. These rose from 43 of all infant deaths in 1981 to 64 percent in 1991 (Goskomstat).

Contraception

The high rates of abortion are indirect evidence of the lack of contraceptives. Data from the Ministry of Health for 1989 indicate that the availability of contraceptives fall short of estimated need by 70 to 90 percent (Mezentseva, 1992b). 1990 survey data indicate that more than three quarters of Russian women are not using contraceptives on a regular basis; 6 percent of all women are unaware of contraceptives, rising to 12 percent in rural areas

(Goskomstat, 1992). Even in maternity hospitals, more than two−thirds of women report being given little or no information about family planning. Oral contraceptives were not manufactured in the former Soviet Union;

imported contraceptives are in limited supply and costly; they account for about 2 percent of contraceptive users.

IUDs (mainly the copper T), which account for 1520 percent of contraceptive protection, are manufactured, but not available everywhere (Thomsen 1992). Condoms account for 1525 percent of contraceptive use; coitus interruptus and rhythm account for another 1525 percent (Fetisova, 1992). The limited availability of

Contraception 15

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contraceptive supplies is exacerbated by the wide−spread lack of information about contraception and the lack of sex education.

Life Expectancy

In 1991, the expectation of life for women was 74.3 years and 63.5 for men. For women this is a half year increase since 19868, for men a year and a half decline. The difference in expectation of life is large − 10.8 years

− even at this stage of development; it is 113 to 100 in women's favor, the same as the overall average for Eastern Europe and the former USSR. For industrial countries it is 110, for OECD 109 (United Nations, 1991). However, a substantial portion of the gap between men and women in Russia is due to accidents and traumas, not conditions of health. High alcohol and tobacco consumption among men is also likely to contribute to these mortality

differentials.

Occupational Health

The growing gap in the expectation of life between men and women has focussed attention on excess male mortality rather than the analysis of morbidity. Despite limited statistics on morbidity and health, by sex, in Russia, a number of indicators suggest that women's health may be no better than that of men. Death rates in the working−age population (1659 for men, 1654 for women) were reported to be nearly four times higher for men than for women. The chief causes of death for males are accidents, poisoning and traumas, with a death rate of 236 per 100,000 compared to 61 per 100,000 for women. Suicides, although a small part of overall deaths (Mezentseva, 1992 b), are reported four times higher for men than for women. Thus, a large component of the death rate, and by extension the expectation of life, stems from external factors unrelated to health.break

Survey data from Taganrog, combining clinical and self−assessments of health found women in poorer health than men. Women reported falling ill more frequently than men, suffering more from chronic diseases and having more psychological and nervous disorders. Women also spent 1.5 times as much on medicines as men.

Women's Education and Training

The female labor force is highly educated, more so than the male work force: 47 percent of women and 34 percent of men have completed higher and secondary specialized or technical education (Table 7). While women

outnumber men in higher education and secondary specialized education, men outnumber women in general secondary, incomplete secondary and primary education. Women dominate certain fields, such as economics, law, education, and medicine: in 1989, 71 percent of all physicians are women, in economics 77 percent of all

employees with university training were women, in culture and the arts, 68 percent of all workers were female.

Table 7: Level of Education by Sex, for the Employed Population, 1989 Census of Population

Men (Percent)

Women (Percent) Higher and

Secondary, of

which: 91 93

Higher 14 16

1 1

Life Expectancy 16

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Incomplete Higher Specialized

Secondary 19 30

General Secondary

37 30

Incomplete

Secondary 20 16

Primary 8 6

Source : Soda−Demographic

Characteristics of the Russian Population 1989 , Moscow,

Goskomstat. 1991.

Women's higher education is generally believed to be related to two factors. Without higher education women cannot reach higher levels of pay. Women work in lower paid positions, branches and sectors and need higher qualifications than men for the same pay, despite equal pay for equal work legislation. Moreover, non−wage benefits such as working hours and job location that are compatible with family life and a pleasant working environment are cited by women as important reasons for choosing a job. Both factors lead women into white−collar rather than blue−collar jobs. In a society with limited opportunities for migration, specialized secondary education, also facilitated migration for young women to larger urban areas, while young men, faced fewer constraints because of military service (Romanenkova).

Education and training is open to all, but training programs leading to professions that are legally prohibited to women on grounds of health do not admit women. Around 600 of the 5000 officially recognized worker's

occupations are affected (Goskomstat). Prohibition is not rigidly enforced, however; while women may be barred from training, many women are, in fact, employed in such professions, for example certain types of tractor drivers (applying pesticides), though without the requisite training and skill levels, and at lower pay.

On−the−job training generally forms an important part of skill development and professional advancement in Russia. Women are much less likely to receive such training than men. Women's household responsibilities are frequently given as an obstacle to further training outside the area of residence, given the division of

laborcontinue

within the home. In 199091, 6 percent of working women took such courses to upgrade their skills, compared to 20 percent of male workers. Survey data from 1989 showed, however, that more than half of the women

interviewed wanted to increase their skills through on−the−job training, while managers took a negative view of women's skill upgrading − three fourths of those interviewed did not support such training for women

(Mezentseva, 1992 a). Women who did receive on−the−job training noted little difference in their subsequent careers: nine out of ten continued in the same job and grade, and fewer than two out of ten received a pay increase.

Women's Labor Force Participation

A unique characteristic of the Russian labor force is that the majority of workers are women. Women

outnumbered men 52 to 48 in the labor force in 1991, a decline from previously even higher proportions. The

Women's Labor Force Participation 17

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inclusion of nearly all adults in the labor force, has given Russia an exceptionally high female labor force participation rate − 84 percent.

Women work in a relatively narrow range of sectors: 30 percent are engaged in industry, 13 percent each in commerce and education. Especially heavy concentrations of women are evident in banking and insurance (90 percent women), medicine and social protection (83 percent), information and computing (82 percent) and education (79 percent). Together these sectors employ 37 percent of all women (Table 8). Certain sectors of industry are also heavily feminized including textiles (70 percent), sewing (89 percent), baking and

pastry−making (72 percent) and shoe manufacture (69 percent) (Mezentseva 1992a).break

Table 8: Labor Force Participation by Sex and Industry, 1990

Sectors

Percent Female of all Workers

Percent of Total Women Workers

Industry 48 30.0

Agriculture 40 6.0

Forestry 18 0.1

Construction 26 6.1

Transport 25 4.0

Communications 71 2.0

Commerce 80 13.0

Information and

Computing 82 0.4

Other Material

Production 47 1.0

Public Utilities 52 5.0 Health and

Social Protection 83 10.0

Education 79 13.0

Arts 55 0.4

Culture 75 2.0

Science 53 4.0

Banking and

Insurance 90 1.0

Administration 67 2.0

Total 52 100.0

Source: Economy of the Russian Republic, 1990 , Moscow, Goskomstat,

Women's Labor Force Participation 18

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1991.

Skill Levels

Despite their higher education, women occupy positions of lower skill than men, for low skilled female workers outnumber male lowưskilled labor two to one (Mezentseva, 1992a). The mismatch between women's lower skill levels and their higher educational qualifications is greater than for men ư 62 percent of all workers with higher or specialized education are women, and 38 percent are men. This mismatch between education and job levels is echoed in the entire occupational structure. In industry 4.5 percent of all women were in leadership positions, compared to 9 percent of all men (1985). Two major effects of this underưutilization of human capital are immediately obvious: (i) a considerable loss of productivity and (ii) low returns to women's education.

Workers are classified according to skill levels on a scale from 1 to 6, but some female dominated occupations stop at level 4. The concentration of women at lower levels of skill holds true for femaleưand for maleưdominated industries. For the femaleưdominated food industry women's skill levels average 3.1; for the whole industry it averages 3.4; in machineưbuilding and metal processing, which is male dominated, 60 percent of workers in the two lowest categories are women, 40 percent are men; in the highest category only 6 percent are women.

In addition to the apparent inequities in job classification, women are reported to accept jobs at lower levels of skill and remuneration in exchange for nonưmonetary benefits, such as shorter travel to work, less overưtime, access to shopping or childưcare facilities in the place of work. In other words, women's full responsibility for domestic work and childưcare assumes clear priority over economic work and career considerations ư because of the inadequacy of other support mechanisms.

Income

Differences in occupational and skill levels are reflected in differences in salary and wages. Women's salaries average about two thirds those of men. Lower salaries are especially evident in feminized occupations and industries: overall, the higher the proportion of women, the lower the average wage. Certain feminized branches of the economy have also lagged behind wage increases in the past five years (Table 9).

Table 9: Average Wage Increase In Selected Sectors,19861991

Percentage Wage Increase

Proportion Women

Education 13 79

Culture 15 75

Arts 12 55

Part of the wage differentials between men and women can be explained by the Soviet government's emphasis on heavy industry, where men predominate. However, the differentials persist across sectors. In heavy industry women's wages equal 63 percent of men's, in light industry 70 percent, in construction 71 percent, in education and science 64 percent, and in healthcontinue

Skill Levels 19

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and medicine 67 percent, according to Taganrog survey data (Rimachevskaya, 1992).

Work Ideology

The responsibility for housework and child−care in the household has been assigned to women, a segregation along gender lines that is carried over into the concessions in the labor market. Child−care leave for children below age one and a half, leave to care for older children, leave to care for sick children, and leave to care for invalids may be taken by either parent, but in practice they are taken overwhelmingly by Women. Since the level of benefits is low and not related to previous wages, women's lower salary levels make this an economically rational choice at household level. Lower pension age for women and for mothers of many children similarly accommodate their responsibilities for housework and child−care3 . Although these policies were designed to allow families to combine child−bearing and rearing with economic activity, they have in practice become targeted to women, who take well over 90 percent of child care leaves.

Child−care leave and other concessions, such as day−care, health care, summer camps, lighter work loads, the administration of maternity and other benefits were shouldered by enterprises in the interest of social equity and social responsibility. Some of the costs were met by the federal or local budgets. Over the years, however, the government's share of the cost has been passed on to women themselves in the form of longer work days and lower pay.

Under enterprise restructuring the leaves, benefits and concessions claimed by women are gradually becoming another handicap to the full use of female labor. In the longer term, the traditional leaves and concessions for women with small children in the labor market will no longer be borne by the enterprise in the interest of social responsibility , and women's employment prospects will worsen. Profit−making enterprises may go one step further and prefer hiring only men, who are felt to be able to contribute more fully to work than women with young children.

Housework

Over time women's domestic labor and home production have moved in to fill the gap between the expected levels of living and the scarcity of consumer goods and services. Housework now commands a substantial share of women's time. On average, women spend 35 hours per week on housework and child−care, in addition to 38 hours in paid employment. The costs and the rationale of using such a large portion of the time of a highly educated section of the labor force in low−productivity domestic labor is rarely questioned.

Women's looser attachment to the labor force, lower skill levels and pay, and the small number of women in management positions, are partly explained by their responsibilities for home and family. Women spend about as much time as men on child−care and nearly three times as much time on housework every day (Table 10).

Although women spend about half an hour less on economic activity than men per day, their work in the household and child−care adds the equivalent of one working day per week; during weekends, womencontinue

spend more than fifteen hours on house−work and child−care, twice as much as men. Adding weekdays and weekends, women spend nearly two days more than men on housework and child−care each week. Hence, women have considerably less time not only for leisure, eating and

Work Ideology 20

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Table 10: Time Use of Men and Women Workers Outside Agriculture, 1990 (Hours and Minutes per Day)

Weekdays Weekends

Men Women Men Women

H M H M H M H M

Work 8 12 7 58 — —

Work Related 1 30 1 20 — —

Housework, incl.

Shopping

1 12 3 27 2 51 6 40

Work on Land 19 7 55 23

Child Care 28 33 50 52

Sub−Total 11 41 13 25 4 36 7 55

Free time 2 51 1 21 7 13 4 37

Eating, Sleeping, Personal Care

9 07 9 02 10 44 10 42

Other and unaccounted 21 12 1 27 46

Sub−Total 12 19 10 35 19 24 16 05

Total 24 00 24 00 24 00 24 00

H = hours; M = minutes.

Source: The National Economy of Russia, 1990 , Moscow, Goskomstat, 1991.

sleeping, but also less time and energy for personal pursuits and for economic activities.

Pensions

With slightly more women than men in the active work force, the large losses in male population during the Second World War, women's earlier retirement and greater longevity, women greatly outnumber men among pensioners. Estimates for 1991 give the proportion of women among pensioners at 72 percent. (Economy of Russia 1990, cited in Khotkina, 1992.) Retirement is permitted at age 55 for women and 60 for men, lower than in most countries in Western Europe (Table 11). There is no requirement that pensioners stop working, and many continue to participate in the labor force.

There are a number of additional retirement privileges for women. Women withcontinue

five children or more are entitled to old age pension at age 50 and ''Mother Heroines", those with 10 or more children, receive an allowance equal to the pension. In addition, time spent on child−care leave is counted towards the minimum 20 years of work required for labor pensions. As a result many women retire before age 55, while most men wait until age 60 (Zavadskaya). Workers in dangerous and hazardous occupations are eligible for earlier retirement, and many women are drawn to these occupations, not only by the wage supplements but also the possibility of early

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Table 11: Age of Eligibility to Old Age Pension

for Men and Women in Selected European Countries and Russia

Country Men Both Women

Belgium 65 60

Denmark 67

France 60

Germany 6367

Great Britain 65 60

Italy 60 55 a/

Netherlands 65

Portugal 65 60

Spain 65

Sweden 66

Russia 60 55

a/ Seniority pension after 35 years' service, regardless of age.

Note: These data summarize major trends in coverage but do not give complete

information on exceptions and special circumstances.

pensions − with or without continued employment. For many women continued employment after retirement has become a means of compensating for lower pensions and lower wages during the working years.

Unemployment

Unemployment was near absent under the centrally planned economy. As of January 1, 1992 those out of work numbered 472,040; by September 1992 this number had reached 904,259, of which 33 percent were registered unemployed. Seventy−one percent of these were women. This is an average that masks regional and local concentrations as high as 89 percent women among the unemployed, for instance in the Nenets region. This is expected to increase further with mass lay−offs in many industries.

Women looking for work have had greater difficulty in obtaining new employment than men. The overall placement rates of the registered unemployed were 36 percent for men, for women it reached 23 percent (Table 12). Unemployment has disproportionately affected skilled labor. More than half of the registered unemployed have secondary specialized, or higher, education. About 40 percent of unemployed women have higher and secondary specialized education, compared to 25 percent of unemployed men (Goskomstat). White−collar workers such as economists, educators, engineers and scientists, where women are concentrated, figure

prominently among the unemployed. Vacancies for new jobs, on the other hand, tend to be in blue−collar work, where males have predominated (machine fitters, adjusters, builders) − or where preference is now given to males.break

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Table 12: Estimated Unemployment and Reemployment by Sex, First Six Months 1992

Non−Working Population Seeking

Employment

Obtaining Employment

(1.000) (Percent) (1.000) (Percent)

Male 440.2 39.5 158.0 36.0

Female 673.9 60.5 155.0 23.0

Total 1,114.1 100.0 313.0 28.0

Many industrial enterprises have instituted mandatory part−time work, or "administrative leave" often preceding unemployment. Workers are required to take one or more days a week (or the whole summer) off, sometimes with pay, often without. In August 1992, more than 1 million employees were given administrative leave and 800,000 worked reduced shifts. Of these, almost half were unpaid, and the remainder received reduced pay. Certain branches of industry, such as textiles and defense industries are now working reduced shifts. Women's heavy concentration in the textile industry suggests that they may be more vulnerable to administrative leave and subsequent unemployment.

Women in Political Life

Women's influence on political decision making has declined in recent years. Since women obtained the vote in 1917, their participation in political life was a central tenet of Communist ideology. A fixed proportion of seats in the legislature were ear−marked for women.4 The change in ideology has eroded this practice and the number of women representatives in the Russian Congress of Deputies has declined to five percent, well behind Western European countries (Table 13).

There is no indication that women are less active politically than men, but the emerging parties have not yet found space for women's issues or female candidates. Only five of the 25 political parties include women's issues in their current platforms. The lack of clearly voiced views of women in the political process is a serious handicap.

Women's needs in the transformation process are not likely to be addressed, unless their views are articulated and takencontinue

Table 13: Women's Representation in the Legislature, Western European Countries, 1987 (Percent)

Austria 11.5

Belgium 7.5

Denmark 29.1

Finland 31.5

France 6.4

Iceland 20.6

Ireland 8.4

Women in Political Life 23

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Italy 12.9

Netherlands 20.0

Norway 34.4

Portugal 7.6

Spain 6.4

Sweden 28.5

Switzerland 14.0

United Kingdom 6.3

Source: The World's Women , United Nations, New York, 1991.

into account in policy making. The legislative mechanisms to do so need strengthening. Non−partisan legislative advisory committees on women's affairs could be an interim measure, until women's issues are included in party programs. Setting quotas for women's participation in political and legislative committees period has also been proposed.

Women's Organizations

Women's organizations have been part and parcel of the social, professional and humanitarian networks in Russia.

Economic restructuring has seen the beginnings of new, independent women's organizations. They are, however, still few in number, and with limited regional coverage and financial support. Although their level of activities is still modest, the rise of these organizations represent a significant step in channeling the active support of the women of Russia to the future course of economic restructuring. Of the 300 non−governmental organizations registered with the Ministry of Justice, 17 are national and about 70 regional or local women's organizations. They range from professional and humanitarian organizations to business and entrepreneurial organizations,

organizations for political development, and self−help organizations (see Annex 2). The most prominent is the Women's Union of Russia, with programs for re−training and entrepreneurship to address the varied needs of women in an emerging market economy and for equal opportunity. A wide geographical coverage and concentration on the training of trainers means that the Union's programs have a big multiplier effect.

Research on women in national development has emerged in the past ten years in Russia, and several institutions are active in research on women's issues in the rehabilitation process (Annex 3). Most prominent is the Center for Gender Studies, which includes ten researchers. Limited funding, lack of appropriate data and restrictions on existing information have limited the range and scope of research on women in Russia, giving it a slightly

academic tenor. Researchers overcome this by linking research and action, by outreach activities and seminars for women. Research on women now provides the essential first phase for gauging the effect of changing policies and practices on women and exploring needed policy adjustments. In order to draw greater benefit from these efforts, serious consideration should be given to strengthening research on women by widening the research agenda towards broader social action issues, increasing contacts with international research and modest financial support.break

Women's Organizations 24

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3—

The Future: Fears and Realities

The Return to Patriarchy

The social tensions inherent in the economic re−structuring have also engendered a stricter differentiation of the social and economic roles of men and women. In the early stages of perestroika , there were calls for "women to return to their natural pre−destination" (Gorbachev, 1987 p.117). It has since been argued widely and on a variety of grounds that the proper sphere of activity for women is the home rather than the labor market (Vornonina, 1988). This has been argued on traditionalist grounds − as the natural order of life and to cure a variety of social ills; on demographic grounds − in order to raise the declining birth rate; or as a matter of greater choice − that is, women should be allowed the choice of staying home and taking care of their husbands and children.

The public debate on the proper role of women under the new social contract includes both economic relations and basic human relationships. In the re−examination of values and beliefs there is a tendency to return the traditions existing before communism. The rapidly escalating cost of living and deteriorating conditions of daily life, fears of mass unemployment and women's continuing dissatisfaction with their long working days are all used to advocate a return to patriarchy. This return to patriarchy addresses only the relationship between the sexes, not between generations, however. Women's legitimate role is seen to be in the home, as care−taker of husband and children; some have argued that women will require less education, for eight years of schooling is sufficient to be a competent home−maker.

"Returning to the kitchen" sometimes strikes a responsive chord among women who have struggled over the years to take care of house, husband and children under increasing scarcity of basic goods and food−stuffs; they

welcome ceasing this struggle and leaving unfulfilling jobs for domestic life under the capitalist system. As real wages decline and home production becomes central to household survival, the need to devote more time to producing basic food−stuffs increases, and giving up employment may be seen as a practical economic choice.

The need for women to stay home has also been argued on demographic grounds. The decline in the birth rate and the negative population growth rate have fed alarmist and nationalist tendencies. The survival of the nation is at stake, it is argued, unless women stay at home and raise children. The argument is specious, since similar fluctuations around both the actual and the intrinsic growth rates do occur in populations, only to readjust in a relativelycontinue

short time. Moreover, evidence of actual damage caused by a declining population is ambiguous.

Patriarchal and demographic rationales conspire with a democratic ideal to return women (but not men) to the home to allow them the choice of taking care of their children. This is still widely believed to be the norm in Western democracies and also a desirable option for Russia. Reality does not support this perception. Even in Ireland and Spain, which have the lowest female labor force participation rates in Europe, nearly 40 percent of all women work.

Contemporary economic realities are far removed from these ideals, however. When workers are looking for second and third jobs to make ends meet, few households can afford to forego the salary of one member,

regardless of convictions about women's proper role. If women stayed home, 11 percent of all households would be without a breadwinner.

Under these circumstances women express great fears for the future, much more so than men. In a public opinion survey in 1991 53 percent of women expressed high anxiety at the prospect of losing their jobs, compared to 42

3— The Future: Fears and Realities 25

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percent of men (Khotkina, 1992). These fears appear to be justified. More women have lost their jobs than men, women have had greater difficulty in finding new positions and also face greater risk of poverty.

Increased Feminization of Poverty

Poverty in Russia has been strongly skewed towards women. The current economic crisis has intensified this tendency and an examination of households vulnerable to poverty suggest that the poor may be female in even greater proportions than before.

In the Soviet period, there were four types of households most vulnerable to poverty: pensioners, single−parent households, households with many children, and student households (Rimachevskaya, 1992). These are the main groups eligible for social assistance. However, despite some indexation, this assistance is now dwindling, because of very high inflation, and those already vulnerable have become increasingly subject to greater economic stress during the crisis.

Women are heavily represented among these groups. Among pensioners , women outnumber men about two to one. Of single parent households with children under 18 , 94 percent are headed by women. Households with many children are divided fairly evenly among males and females, but 81 percent of single parent households with three or more children are without the father. Student households include slightly more women (54 percent) than men.

To these, can now be added, the unemployed, those on administrative leave and households in particular sectors.

Among the unemployed , women again outnumber men two to one. Administrative leave in certain sectors, defense, textiles, with high proportions of females make another, difficult to estimate, group at high risk of poverty.

A growing category at high risk are households in sectors and occupations where wages were already low to begincontinue

with and have since fallen further behind with rapid inflation. At particular risk are certain feminized sectors of the economy, in particular education, where low wages have failed to keep up with wage increases relative to other sectors (Table 8).

Care of the Young, the Elderly and the Disabled

After some early experimentation with communal meals and child−care, Communist Russia addressed the reproduction of the labor force and the performance of domestic work by a reduction in the labor performed by women. Labor concessions, allowances and leaves moved the responsibility from the government to the household, increased women's work day and freed the male labor force from many domestic responsibilities.

Although rarely mentioned in policy discussion, women's domestic labor also plays a key role in the care of the disabled and the elderly in the family. Much of the social protection of the young, the old and the infirm was de facto transferred from the state to the household and performed by women at considerable direct savings to the state budget.

In principle, women were compensated for this work through allowances and benefits but the long−term consequences have been an erosion of women's position in the labor market, where they are concentrated in sectors and occupations of lower pay and responsibility. Rapid inflation and rising unemployment, moreover, have eroded further the low compensation received by women for these services. In the re−negotiation of the social contract inherent in the transition period, responsibility and/or compensation for these services become an integral part of the agenda.

Increased Feminization of Poverty 26

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Social Protection During the Economic Transformation

Reshaping Russia's system of social protection in the economic transformation is based on a commitment to equity. Within the limits of existing resources, adequate compensation and protection of the needy, irrespective of age or gender, must be paramount. Because of women's roles in the labor market and their responsibilities outside the labor market for family well−being, social protection measures must be carefully designed to eliminate differential impact on the female population. Adverse impact on women easily multiplies onto other population groups dependent on women's household caretaker roles.

It is necessary to establish priorities and trade−offs during this period of economic uncertainty. Achievements in social equity and human capital development must be safe−guarded during the transition. There are five strategic areas of action:

labor markets: employment; unemployment and child−care;

family policy;

pensions;

maternal and child health;

information, on all of the above.

There is an urgent need for additional information on women's conditions, both in terms of the collection, reporting and analysis of data and in terms of public information campaigns. The Ministry of Labor, the Federal Employment Service, the Ministry of Social Protection and the Parliamentary and the Presidential Committees on Wom−soft

en's Affairs, Protection of the Family, Motherhood and Childhood, as well as women themselves, through different non−governmental organizations, will need to institute a system of ongoing review of proposed policies and regulations in these areas specifically for gender equity. Despite women's formal equality, a pro−active stance is now necessary to ensure equal protection and participation of women during economic rehabilitation.

Recommendations

Labor Market Issues

Employment. During the economic rehabilitation, promoting an effectively functioning labor market, irrespective of gender, is vital. Sex−typing of jobs, by law and by practice, prevents a free exchange of labor market

information for both employer and employee. As a first step, job vacancy announcements and job classifications by sex must therefore be prohibited to ensure the free mobility of labor.

All occupations need to be opened up to qualified persons regardless of sex. At present some 600 of 5000 officially listed blue collar occupations are formally closed to women on grounds of health. Labor laws and regulations prohibiting women's employment in these occupations should be re−examined in the light of international standards, and in many cases eliminated. Since women frequently hold positions in prohibited occupations, the effect of the regulations has changed from protecting women to lowering women's wages in these occupations. In a fully democratic society, women should be allowed the same employment choice as men; both men and women should be protected from reproductive health risks.

Social Protection During the Economic Transformation 27

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Vocational training for occupations that are prohibited for women is formally closed to girls. Such entry barriers will also need to be examined and restrictions for women and girls removed . As a second step, the admission practices of vocational institutions with exceptionally low proportions of men or women will need to be reviewed to determine de facto exclusion on the basis of gender.

Unemployment. Increasing unemployment among women requires full integration of women in unemployment policies, regulations and practices. In the short and medium term, a pro−active stance to facilitate the

re−absorption of the female unemployed is required, given their high rates of unemployment and their particular labor force characteristics, including high educational qualifications and a looser attachment to the labor force.

In the short and medium term employment services, including job search facilities and career counselling, thus require special attention to the particular needs of women. This could include job clubs for women to teach job search skills and provide support and assistance in finding employment; occupational testing to overcome gender−based perceptions on appropriate employment; re−training to meet emerging labor demands including flexible re−training programs for women with small children, and out−reach programs for women in

self−employment and small scale entrepreneurship. Many women have expressed an interest in becoming self−employed, and have sought training through non−governmental organizations. Attentioncontinue

may also be directed to increasing the productivity of small−scale, home−based work and agricultural processing, on which many women fall back to increase earnings.

Social protection for groups with non−traditional attachment to the labor force (and often no employer) will become an important issue as the labor market opens up and their numbers expand. Thus, social protection policies, including unemployment insurance, sick leave and medical care, as well as child−care leave, will also be needed to safe−guard their interests.

Unemployment benefits will directly affect women more than men, if present patterns of unemployment continue.

Streamlining the system and indexing basic benefits to the cost of living thus have special relevance to women. In the longer term, as unemployment declines, unemployment compensation adjusted to wage differentials may be appropriate. In the short and medium term, however, such a system has little relevance to the female labor force, which does not command the higher wages that qualify for higher compensation. Flat−rate benefits, guaranteed at levels above the subsistence minimum, will not adversely affect women.

Child−care. To increase labor mobility, state provision of child−care remain necessary, or many mothers of young children will effectively be barred from employment.5 An essential first step is the transfer of

responsibility for child−care from enterprises. Local government has an important role to play in providing such services, and has begun to do so in some areas, but national government will need to play a continuing role in the transition period. If profit−oriented enterprises are forced to underwrite the cost of child−care for employees, they could respond by preferring workers who do not (or will not in the future) require this. Retaining child−care as an enterprise responsibility without subsidy will therefore quickly become a deterrent to female employment.

Gradual elimination of child−care at the place of work must therefore be accompanied by stimulating quality private child−care services by private enterprise and, especially in the short and medium term, by national and local governments. Subsidies for private child−care in the form of grants or tax−credits are a necessary complement to reform; such subsidies can be directed to the provider of child−care or to parents needing child−care.

Family Policy Reform

The present economic turmoil has brought into sharp focus the inherent conflicts between labor market policy and family policies. A policy of family−related leaves and allowances administered and financed by different agencies

Family Policy Reform 28

The Role of Women in Rebuilding the Russian Economy