THE PROCESS OF THE MISSIONARY ACTIVITIES OF PORTUGAL IN COCHINCHINA (VIET NAM) FROM THE YEAR 1614 TO THE YEAR 1625
Hoang Thi Anh Dao1 Abstract: In early the sixteenth century, with maritime strengths and the success of the great geographical discoveries, Portuguese arrived to Cochinchina (Vietnam) to propagandize. In beginning time, the priests had approached the Vietnamese language, formed the residences and gave missionaries. From the year 1614 to the year 1625, missionary activities of Portugal as representative of the Jésuites priests had some results in the Cochinchina such as Quang Nam, Quang Ngai, Quy Nhon... At that time, the authorities of Cochinchina had behaved by several ways, including giving “The missionaries ban” in the year 1625, that is a typical example. The aim of the article is to codified the Portuguese missionaries in Cochinchina (1614 - 1625), from which, we had taken the data, analyzed the missionaries in the viewpoints on religion and culture.
Key words: Vietnam script, Cochinchina, Christianity, Portuguese missionaries…
1. Factors promoting Portugal's missionary to the East 1.1. Portugal in the discovery of new lands
In the fifteenth century, the monetary commodity economy developed in Western European countries, led to the disintegration of feudalism and the infant seeds of capitalist relationship began to grow, due to the expansion of cargo handling and increased demand for means of currency exchange. In the Medieval Ages, Western European currencies were measured by silver, to the fifteenth century, gold gradually replaced silver to make measurement in transaction among countries. Western European merchants, as well as feudal lords were eager to find out the precious metal for currency coinage - gold.
Emerging middle class also needed gold to establish handicraft factories, and noble class needed gold to satisfy their luxury life. However, at that time, the exploitation of this precious metal in Western Europe gained a little amount of gold. In addition, because Western European people in trade with the East often
1 Doctor, Faculty of History - Hue university of Sciences
falls into deficit. Therefore, the thirst of gold covered the whole Western Europe at that time.
To the best of their knowledge, the Europeans understood that in the East was a very rich and magnificent land. In China and India, "all the land are gold and the aromas are everywhere in the field" (1). That made up the great appeal to upper class of society in Western Europe at the time. In addition, religious elements in the “discovery” of new land were also the second largest purpose in finding new of land for missionary.
The two countries Spain and Portugal paid great attention to finding new maritime routes. They had a noble aristocracy and were accustomed to the Atlantic wind and developed in marine shipbuilding. Therefore, Spain and Portugal were eligible to supply all marine equipment and human resources for navigation.
In addition, due to the development of product forces of society, extensively geographical knowledge (2), advanced shipbuilding techniques and enabled large ships to travel long day at sea.
The Portuguese not only went sailing and set up maritime maps, they also conquered the new lands. The main aims of Portugal wear “religious zeal”, "flavor trading” and "conquering new lands" prompted Portugal to carry out penetration into the East.
1.2. Portugal with the patronage of the Church of Rome
Just Patronage that Portugal and Spain enjoyed may be a long process in history. From the date of discovering new lands, Portugal and Spain turn to compete each other because of jealously, interest conflicts, which led them come to the Pope as arbitrators. As a result, the Aleaxandre VI Pope (1492 - 1503), with Inter-Caetera Dicision, dated 4.5.1493, divided the world into two parts for Spain and Portugal with the boundary of the western island of the Acores Islands (Atlantic), close to 300 south latitude, extending an imaginary line to the Arctic and down to the Antarctic. This line divided the Eastern and Western boundary.
The West of this area belonged to Spain including America. The East belonged to Portugal including Africa and Asia. In 3.34.1534, the Paulo III Pope (1534-1549)
issued the Executive Order of the Aequum Reputamus to establish Goa territory, with the boundary from Cape of Good Hope to China. Vietnam belonged to this diocese. In 4.2.1557, the Paulo IV Pope (1555 - 1559) issued the decree Pro Excellenti Praeeminentia to establish the Bishopric Court of Malacca, archdiocese of Goa, which had the right from Spanish customs on this island to Japan; the Indonesian archipelago today. In 01.3.1575, Grégoire XVIII Pope (1572-1585) issued the Super Specula, which separated Macao's territory out of Malacca, and turn it into a new territory.
Formal Patronage has been practiced since the sixteenth century in all of Portugal's eastern territories, including the right of appointment, the right of conquest, commercial activities and maritime authorities. Thanks to this patronage, Portugal was given full authority to evangelize in new lands to the East. Cochinchina (Vietnam) originally belonged to the missionary area of Malacca, then to Macao.
2. Portuguese missionary activity in Cochinchina (1614 - 1625) 2.1. The presence of Portuguese missionaries in Cochinchina
There is still doubt about the time to determine the presence of Portuguese in Vietnam to conduct missionary activities. Many hypotheses have been proposed to in 1512(3), Portuguese came to Vietnam.
In the chronicle of Vietnam that Portugal came to Vietnam in 1533.
Specifically, in Kham dinh Viet su thong giam cuong muc of the bishop review
“around in March, Nguyen Hoa king (Le Trang Tong) at the first year (1533), there was the foreigner named I-ne-khu sneak up to Ninh Cuong commune, Quan Anh commune, Nam Chan and Tra Luy commune of Giao Thuy district to speak about Jesuit”(4). In Dai Viet su ky toan thu, it was not known which year of foreigner was sentenced and expelled? But later historians of the Nguyen have relied on historical sources to indicate “the first yeau of Nguyen Hoa” (the year 1533).
According to foreign historical sources, Pierre-Yves Manguin in Les Portuguese sur les Côtes du Viet Nam et du Campa wrote that: “After the first contact
with the Cham and the Vietnamese in 1516, an official “discovery” of Cochinchina was conducted in 1523 "(5).
Therefore, there are three time-spots that Portuguese missionaries came to Vietnam; that was in 1512, 1523, and 1533. In our view of point, after the capture of Malacca (1511), the Portuguese commander of this peninsula sent a boat, under the command of Captain Jorge Alvarez to explore along the East Coast, in 1516, the Portuguese fleet came to Guangdong to sign a trade agreement with China (6). Thus, if the Portuguese came to Vietnam in 1512, it was such an early milestone because the Portuguese and Chinese trade was not established at that time, while trading with Vietnam depended on the trade between the Portuguese and the Chinese. Moreover, the missionary activity in Vietnam carried out by the Portuguese is depend on the Macao missionary Court, so in 1512 we think it is too early. In 1533 is recognized in many records, but this mark is too late compared to the time Portugal signed the trade agreement with China.
Meanwhile, in History of Evangelization in Vietnam (Lich su truyen giao o Vietnam) of Nguyen Hong researcher, the author said that Portugal arrived in Vietnam in 1523 with the event “In 1523, Captain Duarte Coelho was sent as a messenger to Vietnam” (7), “in 1523, when Duarte Coelho arrived, at the time Mac Dang Dung brought troops to Trinh Tuy in Thanh Hoa” (8). The author Nguyen Van Trinh in The history of the Vietnamese church wrote that: “In this time, the Le King rule in Tonkin. In 1523, the Buttughe (Portugal) sent Duarte Coelho to Annam with the letter to the king of Tokin, but this intend was failed. Nevertheless, he wanted to testify that there was the person who had come to Annam, and that he had lodged himself in the Cham Islands, calling Poulo Champeilo, and setting up a large inscription that touched the cross, carved four INRI, in the year 1523 and six initials referring to his name Duarte Coelho”(9). In the book name The Catholic Church in Vietnam, Bui Duc Sinh author also noted that: “In 1523, Duarte Coelho was sent as a messenger to negotiate a business deal between the Vietnam and Portugal. In the time when the country is in turmoil, there is no hope of meeting the king ... In June 1556, 33 years later, Fenão Mendes Pinto, a Jesuit priest came to Vietnam, encountered the Cross with carved on inscription of the INRI”(10).
Thus, according to the historical sources which we have access to, the viewpoint taken in the year 1523 was the first year of Portuguese pilgrimage in Vietnam, with Captain name Duarte Coelho arriving in Vietnam for commercial tour. He arrived in Cu Lao Cham island (Quang Nam today) with a INRI vestiges on the rock.
2.2. The establishment of missionary domiciles
About the word Domicile (residentia), Jesuit priests did not use the word
“abbey” (conventus), monasteries (monasterium) as the residences of priests, but they used the word Domicile (residential) and Housing (Domus) to refer to the residences of priests and the place to organize Eucharistacal ceremony(11).
Hoi An was in 1615, after the issue of Japan authority “the banning” and deporting religious followers in Japan. So Japanese Catholics fled to Vietnam and established Hoi An residence for missionary activity. Buzomi's delegation arrived in Cua Han (Danang today) in 1615. It was at the Easter in the small church to baptize for 10 people, after that the delegation officially arrived in Hoi An to live and contact with Japanese foreigners to evangelize. In 1625, the total number of Jésuites following people in Cochinchina was the number of 15, in Hoi An there were 6 people; in 1625, the laity were 325 people” (12).
Nuoc Man Domicile was established in 1618, at the beginning of the 17th century, Nuoc Man Domicile was the land of Cochinchina, far is 10 km east of Quy Nhon City (now known as An Nhon). After the year 1617, “the baning” in Japan came to practice, the Jésuites people from Japan to Hoi An more and more:
“after Tran Duc Hoa district officials (brother in unreal of Nguyen) invited Jésuites priests live in his land [Quang Ngai to Binh Dinh] (...), the Tran Duc Hoa district officials provided adequate housing and food” (13), it was precisely such an advantage that the Jesuits founded Nuoc Man Domicile (later than Hoi An Domicile for a few years), and in 1625, the number of Christians reached 602 people(14).
Thanh Chiem Domicile (Quang Nam Palace, Dinhciam, Kecham...) was established in 1623, is located in the west of Hoi An, on the left bank of the Thu Bon River, 7 km to the east of Hoi An. The founder of this residence was Fransico de Pina (15), which was quoted in his letter to Macao in 1623: “Last year [in 1622],
the son [Pina] wrote to priest [Macao], my dear priest, I bought the house of Gioanna's mother in Cacham [Thanh Chiem], each house consists of three chambers, one for us, the other for chapel. Our purpose is to have place in this land so that we may celebrate the Mass in Christ... At least three [young people] are in Domicile to help me and also spend time for them to learn Vietnamese and Portuguese language” (16).
Map of Portugal's merchant navy from Malacca to Japan, passing through Vietnamese sea
From: Manguin, Pierre-Yves (1972), Les Portugais sur les côtes du Viet-Nam et du Campa, L’École Française d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, p. 325
With three domiciles, the missionary activity of the Jésuites missionaries in Cochinchina was stronger than before, the year 1615 was the year of establishment of the Congregation of the Missionary in Cochinchina, that was the first Congregation in Vietnam.
2.3. The process of approaching the Vietnamese of the missionaries
When the first Jésuites missionaries came to Cochinchina, the Jésuites did not study Vietnamese before arrival; so clerics had to rely on interpreters, who
were mostly Japanese expatriates settling in Hoi An after the “persecution” Japan in 1614. Their Vietnamese language was limited, they only translated some simple words. In order to carry out missionary work, clerics had to study the Vietnamese language.
Francesco Buzomi clergy to Cua Han in 1615 and learned Vietnamese, but he only knew very little, and he had to get help from interpreters, so there were also misunderstandings in meaning. For example, in Borri's report to Cochinchina: “Con gnoo muon bau tlom laom Hoalaom chiam?”(17), Buzomi's mean is Christianity (God) was not Hoa Lang. That is the limit of Buzomi in missionary. In log of Rhodes, that he acknowlwdged: “Cochinchina, we saw Father Emanuel Fernandez and Father Buzomi always preaching through interpreter, only Father Francois Pina (Francisco de Pina) heard and speak fluent Vietnamese” (18).
Thus, among the first Jésuites priests to Vietnam, Pina can be as quite proficient in Vietnamese, this was not only acknowledged by Alexandre de Rhodes as we cited above, but also in the report of Gaspard Luis in the letter of Pina sent to Superrior Father: “At Hoi An's residence, there was a father come to palace of province (in Thanh Chiem, the capital of Nguyen Phuoc Ky, the son of Nguyen Phuoc Nguyen) who teaches catechism at Gioanna's house in Vietnamese language (19). In Pina's letter to the Superior, he also stated: "At Pulo Cambi, Father Buzomi had three people to help him in house-work. So, if anything happens, or get the important information, Father Buzomi asked to interpreter, or one of the three helper; when the catechesis is over, Father Buzomi can go to rest, the helpers had to review lessons for catechumens, or to talk to them. But for me [Pina], I had to do all the work and therefore I feel very tired, exhausted in everything”. That means Pina knew Vietnamese to talk to the censors. In addition, Pina wrote in the leter of the year 1622-1623 that: “I (Pina) has composed a small collection of spelling and signs of this (Vietnamese) language, and I am starting to write grammar. Although I had collected a lot of stories of different types to make the quotes more valuable, to confirm the meaning of words and grammar rules, however, until now, I still have to ask people read them to me to write in Portuguese language” (20).
What Pina said and wrote in Vietnamese was the foundation for his future work, with his linguistic ability, Rhodes inherited and published works in Romanesque dictionaries by the name Alexandre de Rhodes. Indeed, Rhodes was proficient in Vietnamese and learned quickly that folowing four months, Rhodes was able to confess in Vietnamese. At the first time came to Cochinchina, Rhodes also felt that Vietnamese was a difficult language to learn. Rhodes was able to exculpate in Vietnamese. Rhodes wrote: "I had to be fun when I come to Cochinchina, and listen to Vietnamese women, I think I was listening to birds singing, and I lost all hope to learn Vietnamese because It is so difficult. All words are monophonic [...]. The same sound, for example Dai, has twenty or thirsty different meanings, due to various pronunciations” (21).
As a result of the learning and understanding Vietnamese as well as inheriting predecessor such as Francisco de Pina, Alexandre de Rhodes published three representative works which later become the foundation of Vietnamese Alphabet. First, in 1651, Rhodes published the Dictionarium Annamiticum Lusitanum et Latinum, based on the Vietnamese characters of the previous Portuguese and Italian missionaries. Second, the Catechismus was also printed in the same year to the Vietnamese-Portuguese dictionary. Unlike the dictionary which record vocabulary, How to preach in eight-day was a prose work, reflecting the language and the pronunciation of Vietnamese grammar book in the seventeenth century. Third, Linguae Annamiticae seu Tunchinensis brevis declartio refered Vietnamese grammar at that time.
2.4. Missionary activity in Cochinchina (1614 - 1625)
Although the Portuguese came to Cochinchina very early in 1523, however, until 1614, since Japan issued the "persecution religion” Portuguese missionary activity got the good result through the missionaries of the Jésuites.
Before the year 1614, there were Spanish missionaries from the Dominique lineage, Francisco lineage, Augustine lineage to mission in Cochinchina.
In 1615, Father Francisco Buzomi and Carvalho arrived in Cochinchina. In 1616, Carvalho left Hoi An to go to Japan and then Antonio Fernander arrived (22). At the beginning of 1616, Pina arrived in Da Nang, but in 1616, the
Cochinchina government banned the propaganda, but the God followers of the Japanese helped Pina and in 1617, Pina evangelized in Quy Nhon.
In early 1617, Perdro Marque and Christophoro Borri came to Cochinchina and he wrote in his report: “While the Buzomi, Pina, Borri missionaries and a Portuguese missionary went to Quy Nhon, Marquez and a Portuguese assistant stayed in Hoi An to preach” (23). During this time, Marquez preached for about 40 people. By 1620, Pina from Quy Nhon came back to Hoi An for evangelism to rely on Japanese God followers. Thus Marquez (his father is Portuguese, his mother is Japanese), he spoke fluent in Japanese, as Pina was a person who had 4 years of good command of Vietnamese, so the mission in Hoi An was good: Pina wrote: “In Faifo (Hoi An), four of us [missionaries], two fathers and two teachers were constantly anxious for the spiritual life of the indigenous people as well as of the Japanese who came here to do trade. The baptism of 42 grown natives and 27 Japanese [...] The doctrine had compiled in Cochinchina language. It was very helpful because it was not only children memorize the doctrine, but also adults could learn by heart [...] Now, they get married. The most obvious thing was that in the past few years, only two couples in the God law, now almost all were in the God law in mariage day (24).
Emmanuel Fernandez came to replace Marquez and go with Pina to Quang Nam in 1622, from which the mission of Hoi An resumed and there was no activity.
In Da Nang (Cua Han), in 1615, Buzomi baptized for 10 people. In early 1616, Pina came to help Buzomi. But from 1617 to 1620 (the time that Pina, Buzomi, Borri go to Quy Nhon), Da Nang has no missionary because here has only Marquez. In 1620, Pina returned to Hoi An and remained in Da Nang: “Pina to Turon (Da Nang), is a famous port for trade with Portugal. There, he [Pina]
encountered difficulties of indigenous people trading with foreigners, were infected by their habits. These people were outwardly religious, but actually they need the benefit rather than the God or their soul. Of course, it was hoped that in next time they will understand that dealing with God is more important than trading with humans" (25).
With this perspective, it was clear that the mission in Da Nang was more difficult than in Hoi An. Da Nang was the place the Portuguese delegations
regularly docked, people were busy in trading, so they did not pay attention to the Christianity as the Japanese people in Hoi An.
In Quang Nam, in 1613 - 1631, Nguyen Phuoc Ky replaced Nguyen Phuoc Nguyen as the governor. The missionaries came here to bring some precious presents to the head of province. According to Buzomi, he was warmly welcomed, because this was suitable with Nguyen's policy to trade with Portugal, in order to consolidate its forces against the Trinh Lords of Tonkin.
Borri wrote: “Father Buzomi had caught the attention of Nguyen Lord, so that he was given a place to build a church. The construction was carried out quickly, with the contribution of everyone in money and effort by their ability. They also gave a beautiful and clean house to his shelter when he came to teach the God for the people". This information was consistent with the fact that in Quang Nam, in 1618, the premises we mentioned above were built.
And “the reputation of the missionary in Cochinchina had reached to Macao, the provincial superintendent found it necessary to send a younger father and a Japanese tutor can use Vietnamese language to preach without an interpreter. That was Francisco de Pina"(26).
According to A.D.Rhodes "from the port of [Da Nang], Buzomi was operating in the vicinity, in the first year he had three hundred converts” (27).
In the Nguyen Lord mansion, some missionary activity took place, but that was very little. According to Gaspard Luis, in his letter to the Superior General, he said: “Father [Pina] did many useful things at Nguyen Lord mansion such as taught by the native speaker in the house of Jeanne (Gioana). They said that they were beginning to be Christian and know Christianity. At first, Father used the interpreter to teach, they did not understand, in fact, they followered of Portugal religion because that was better than their religion... Jeanne succeeded in making his 74-year-old brother followered the religion ... When Father Pina came to that mandarin he made many people can hear and to follow the new religion and to be baptized 35 people”(28).
According to Gaspard Luis, the clergy were greeted by some people in the government because the clergy had predicted the time of the eclipse, thanks to which the clergy had access to the Nguyen Lord: "Lord [Nguyen] wanted to have
a chance to talk to each other before the end of the year. At that time, all people were looking for the eclipse. In addition, the Lord called the head of the astronomical department of the goverment and said that the eclipse would occur one hour after midnight of a certain day. It was contrary to what Pina had foretold ... The Lord and many others had spent the night in vain, claiming that the astronomer had mistake. He, for that, discredited in the Lord think ... the Lord go to rest until to the time [the time from the clergy predict], and when the Lord returned, the Lord saw the moon as theirs [spears]. This increased the prestige of our fathers ...”(29). Pina was fluent in Vietnamese, was able to meet with many people at the Lord palace, but officials and inllectuals only admired the knowledge of the clergy, but they did not want to follow the new religion because “they wanted to have many wife and their work”(30).
In Quy Nhon, the mission was mentioned in Borri's report, but there was not successful, just some contacts between the missionaries and the Quy Nhon governor, the missionaries were sent to Qui Nhon without mentioning anything:
“Father Francesco Buzomi, Father Francisco de Pina and I [Borri] left Faifo [Hoi An] to Pulucampi [Quy Nhon] with the governor of this province. During the journey, the governor treated us politely and courteously ... We were in journey for 12 days, we visited the sea-port and the city of Quang Nghia [Quang Ngai], where was the governor's seat in the province of Pulucampi ... He [the governor of Quy Nhon] said that he knew us from afar to carry no money and necessary supplies, so he was willing to provide some thing to us”(31).
But according to the missionaries, this mandarin did not follow the new religious and he died in 1617, so the mission in Quy Nhon did not have much effect: “No one came to meet us. We have no prestige as much as before... Father Francisco de Pina back to Faifo to serve in teaching doctrine for Japaneses whom Father Pina formerly pastor for them... Father Francesco Buzomi went to Turon (Da Nang) with the best interpreter in order to ask the help from the Portuguese, and let us live at our facility in Nuocman (32) until aid from Macao comes"(33).
2.5. The response of the Cochinchinese regime to missionary activity
From 1615 to 1625, the clergy actived in stages of publicity. However, in 1616, sometimes, the Cochinchinese rulers had limited the activities of the clergy.
The reason is that drought takes place, residents pressured to Nguyen Lord to expel the mission. But the order of deportation in 1616 was not enforced thoroughly, because at this stage, the Nguyen Lord still wanted the policy of opening up, attracting foreign traders, the clerics were treated as well as trader.
Therefore, despite the pressure from the residents, the Nguyen Lord loosened for the missionary, sometimes the missionaries could meet Nguyen Lord in his palace.
Thus in 1625, Nguyen Lord ordered the expulsion of all missionaries in Cochinchina, he did not allow to all residents to followwing the Christianity by promulgating the "Sacrifice of 1625 in Christianity". With this Sacrifice, all the missionaries had to concentrate in Hoi An and left Vietnam when the Portuguese ship arrived in Cochinchina, Nguyen Lord did not allow to residents hang images and crosses in their house.
In the year 1625, clerics were not free to preach, followers could not free to receive the new religion: "The Lord [Lord Nguyen] saw that the Portuguese did not come with boats full of goods"(34). According to Sacrifice in 1625, missionaries had to leave Vietnam when the Portuguese ships arrived, but they wished to convince Nguyen Lord agree to them to stay for 100 days for the funeral of Pina (35). In the year 1626, Portuguese ships arrived and "carried many precious objects from Macao to Cochinchina”, so the Nguyen Lord was somewhat eased the banishment.
In summary, in 10 years, while Nguyen Lord deeply wanted to trade with foreigners, but the behavior for Christianity missionary, there were reactions to stop the propaganda. Because of in the eyes of the Cochinchinese people, Catholicism was a strange religion, which has many differences with Vietnamese culture, especially not worshiping ancestors and eliminating polygamy. In the view of the Nguyen Lords, missionaries with their many astronomical, mathematical, and geographical knowledge, but they came to Cochinchina to
propagate Hoa Lang religion (a new religion with Vitenamese traditonal religion).
3. Some comments about the missionary of Portuguese
From above analysis, we can see that the missionary in Cochinchina during 1615 - 1625 mainly took place in Da Nang, Hoi An, Quang Nam, Quy Nhon and in the palace of Nguyen Lord, some churches were built: the first church built in Turon (Da Nang) in 1615; the second church in Quang Nam was built in 1615, by the authorities to allocate land, funds and labor contributed by people; the third church is Nuoc Man Church built by the governor of Quy Nhon in 1617, in Hoi An with a church built by Japanese parishioners. In 1619, Marquez built another chapel in Hoi An (36).
The results of missionary activities were limited, suggesting that the reception of this religion in Cochinchina was not simple. The policies of the Cochinchinese government with missionaries were always changing all times and were always in a restricted state. The times for the clerics were loosened by the authorities were time the Nguyen Lord in Cochinchina wanting to trade with Portugal to serve their own interests and to deal with the government of Tonkin.
However, in order to be able to spread Christianity, the Jesuits were learning the Vietnamese language and that was the foundation of the Vietnamese dialect.
This is a precious asset of Vietnam that we have gained in the process of cultural exchange of the East-West in the modern times.
NOTE
1. Luu Minh Han (2002), History of the Medieval World, Volume 2, Ho Chi Minh City Publishing House, p. 513.
2. The book name of "Geography", written by Ptolemy, was translated into Latin, and spread widely around the globe. In 1410, the book "The Face of the World,"
written by a French archbishop, added that the view of the earth was so round and that judgment from the Spanish Sea over the Atlantic would lead to the Indian Ocean. Toscanelli, of Fireze, Italy, said that China and India are two countries on the other side of the Atlantic, and also predicted that by sea,
Western Europe would have directly to the East. This is the main book Columbus used during his transatlantic flight.
3. Nguyen Khac Ngu (1988), Portugal, Spain, and the Netherlands to communicate with Dai Viet (XVI, XVII, XVIII), Historical Research Publisher, Montréal (Canada).
4. Truong Ba Can (2008), History of Catholic Development in Vietnam, Volume 1 - Exploration and Formation Period, Religion Publishing House, Hanoi, p. 24.
5. In 1524, Duarte Coelho was sent as a messenger to negotiate a commercial deal between the Vietnamese and the Portuguese. Originally, in September 1516, a convoy headed by Fernão Perez d'Andrade advanced to Guangdong, crossing the storm to the Champa waters and returning to Poulo Condore.
6. Truong Ba Can (2008), History of Catholic Development in Vietnam, Volume 1 - Exploration and Formation Period, Religion Publishing House, Hanoi, p. 24.
7. Nguyen Hong (1959), History of Evangelism in Vietnam (Book I: Jesuit Missions 1615 - 1666), Current Bookshelf, Saigon, p. 18.
8. Nguyen Hong, p. 19.
9. Augustine Nguyen Van Trinh (1994), History of the Church in Vietnam, Book 1, Book 2, Book 3, The Great Seminary, p. 163.
10. Bui Duc Sinh (2000), Catholic Church in Vietnam, Book I, Calgary, Canada, p.
33.
11. The Jésuites Constitution sets forth the following types of monastic dwelling:
Domus probationis is for beginners of the Jésuites; Domus Professa for priests who sworn four vows; Spiritual Exercises (Domus Exercitiorum) to guide those who want to pray, retreat; The Domus Scriptorum is dedicated to monks who write books; The Collegiate Nostrtum where the monks were trained after they passed the Training House; Resident (Residentia) is a large house with many monks in and there are many different types of apostolate; Schools (Collegia alumnorum) include elementary, secondary, college and university.
12. Do Quang Chinh, S.J (2008), Jesuits in Dai Viet society 1615 - 1773, First published in 2007, An Ton and Torun, Religious Publishing House, Hanoi, p. 65.
13. Do Quang Chinh, p. 66.
14. Do Quang Chinh, p. 62.
15. The first Jésuites and the first Portuguese-speaking Jesuit, Alexandre de Rhodes later inherited and published the Vietnamese-Portuguese dictionary.
16. Jacques, Roland (2007), The pioneers of Vietnamese language studies (until 1650), Translation and editing of the Institute of Linguistics, Social Science Publishing House, Hanoi, p. 195 - 196.
17. Christophoro, Borri (1631), Relation de la novele de Missiones de la Compagnie de Jesus, and Royaume de la Cochinchine, De la mesme Compagnie, Lille, p. 107 - 109.
18. Rhodes, Alexandre de (1854), Les voyages et missions, Paris, p. 72.
19. Gaspard Lovys (1628), Histoire de qui qui et passé en Ethiopie, Malabar, Brasil, et en Indes Orientales, Paris, p. 122.
20. Do Quang Chinh, p. 45 - 46.
21. Rhodes, Alexandre de (1854), Les voyages et missions, Paris, p. 72.
22. Montezon (1858), Mission de la Cochinchine et du Tonkin, Paris, p. 386.
23. Borri, Cristophoro (1997), Report on Cochinchina Missionary Area, Hong Kong, Lousinana, United States, p. 348.
24. Luis, Gaspard (1628), Histoire de ce qui s'est passé en Éthiopie tirée des Lettres des écrites des es 1620 jus qu 'à 1624, Paris, tr. 127 - 128.
25. Luis, Gaspard, p. 130.
26. Borri, Cristophoro (1997), Report on the Cochinchine Missionary Area, Hongkong Translators, Lousinana, USA, p. 341.
27. Rhodes, Alexandre de (1854), Les voyages et missions, Paris, p. 68.
28. Luis, Gaspard, p. 128 - 129.
29. Luis, Gaspard, p. 122 - 125.
30. Luis, Gaspard, p. 131 - 132.
31. Borri, Cristophoro (1997), Report on Cochinchina Missionary Area, Hongkong Translators, Lousinana, USA, p. 348.
32. Nuoc Man (Eau Salée) on the map of Alexandre de Rhodes (1650), located on a riverbank, near the sea, a little further, in the north, on another bank of the site named Nuoc Ngot (Eau Douce). The word salty refers to a small estuary north of Thi Nai bay (Quy Nhon), in Tan Giang district, Tuy Phuoc district. Salt water
church in Hoa Quang village, Phuoc Quang commune, Tuy Phuoc district.
Today, the Church name Nuoc Man no longer exists, leaving only three Catholic families in Nanping.
33. Borri, Cristophoro (1997), Report on the Dang Trong Missionary Area, Hong Kong Translators, Lousinana, USA, p. 61 - 62.
34. Rhodes, Alexandre de (1854), Les voyages et missions, Paris, p. 76 - 77.
35. Pina drowned in Hoi An while celebrating a Portuguese merchant ship in the Quang Nam Sea on February 15, 1625.
36. Bartoli (1629), Istoria de la Compagnie di Giesu, Roma, tr. 101.
