These were very public places to dissect in the community before the voluntary hospitals were built. So begins a tour of dissecting rooms in large 'hanging towns' such as Lancaster in the North West. 6 If correct, this means that of the 908 available across the supply chain, only 8.81 per cent entered the main site of dissection that has been so dominant in the historical literature on London.
In the Midlands, Warwick was the most active supplier with a total of 33 criminal bodies. It is noteworthy that all these key vendors shared a skilled executioner with those in the second tier of county vendors (cross-reference, Figure 5.5. In the north-west, the Durham palantine of 12 corpses and its Cheshire equivalent of 16 corpses predominated.
In an area covering the heart of the Midlands and East Anglia, there were 113 bodies in the supply chain. In the north of England, on the left side of the Pennines, it was common to discus criminal corpses in small public dispensaries, especially in growing industrial towns like Preston. In counties surrounding the capital such as Kent, Surrey, Middlesex and Essex, bodies were often moved to a central London location.
The purpose of the next part is to embark on a medical tour of Map 5.1.
A prominent member of the Lancaster Medical Book Club (1823) and the Leeds Mechanic Institute (1824), he was well connected when he raised the lancet over Ashton Worrall. He was described in the Annual Medical Register as "Holder of Additional Licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians for Lancaster". However, the early history of the Preston Infirmary highlights that by 1830 surgeons were excluded from practicing on the premises.
It was doctors who dominated the medical charity to the chagrin of the surgeons. He did so on the basis that posthumous 'damage' belonged by customary rights to the community in the vicinity of the original murder. Here the majority of the sick poor were relieved daily by a medical dispensary system.
Before leaving Northern England, it is worth briefly exploring the types of dissection sites to the right of the Pennines in the North East. They were then taken out to the front of the building in a courtyard and hanged. Here it was dispensed in full public view of the assembled crowd: a model of local justice that was repeated throughout the Midlands.
She was found guilty of murder, after the death sentence was passed, and she was executed on a new gallows that had been erected outside in the main courtyard of the courts. Nearby, she was one of the first murderers to be hanged as such under the Murder Act. The 'Derby Dissection Door' in the Shire Hall building (see illustration 5.8) was considered equivalent to.
The thigh and sword muscles were exposed anteriorly in a large dissection triangle. Some were built during the time of the Murder Act, but many more were established in the 1810s and 1820s. From the appearance of the chest, it did not appear that Corder was likely to be subject to lung disease.
49 This physically distanced the crowd from the executioner and increased the theater of the punishment event. The journey of the criminal corpse from the courtroom to the dissection site reflected this local medical reality. It was closely linked to health care and welfare provision in the provinces, and this was one of the more subtle medical legacies of the Killing Act that historians of the early modern era have missed.
This trend again puts into context the mediocre reputation of the 1790s London Company.
See for example Jonathan Binns (1807), 'Letter to Dr James Hamilton, Senior Physician to the Edinburgh Royal Infi rmary on the Cure of Scarlatina, from Physician Lancaster', Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal Vol. See, wide coverage in, The Manchester Guardian 19 March 1831 and The Manchester Times and Gazette, 19 March 1831 and the Lancaster Gazette and General Advertiser 19 March 1831. He was considered a leading medical figure in Manchester, known for his commitment to improve medical education standards in the North of England.
By the time Moses Fernley's body had become available in 1831, he had established himself as one of the most engaging surgeons in the Northwest. Introduction', in A History of the County of Lancaster: Volume 4, (London: . Victoria County History Series), p. The Infi rmary was first established in Garden Street, Shude Hill, in 1752 and moved to new buildings in Piccadilly (then called Lever's Row) in 1755.
Lever's Row was so named from the estate and town house of the Levers of Alkrington': information taken from Lancaster and Chester Antiquarian Society Records, Vol. A contemporary history of the Halifax Dispensary can be found in John Crabtree (1836), A Concise History of the parish and vicarage of Halifax, in county of York, (Halifax: Hartley and Walker publishers), p Peter M Jones (2009), Industrial information: Science, technology and culture in Birmingham and the West Midlands Manchester:. Manchester University Press).
575, note 1, explains that William Strutt ran the dispensary and was a close friend of the Darwin family. On August 14, 1828, the Morning Post published extensive reports of the execution and the events following the execution, as well as the response of the early modern crowd for several days. Editorial (1814), 'Murders in Cornwall', Journal of The Universal Magazine of Knowledge and Pleasure, Provincial Occurrences, December issue, p.
517–8, where it was alleged that William Burns may have killed a man in Dublin as well; see also, Rita Margaret Barton (1970), Life in Cornwall in the early nineteenth century: being extracts from the West Briton newspaper in a quarter of a century from Cornwall: D. Bradford Barton Ltd. His portrait is now on display at the Launceston Museum, where his anti-slavery stance is celebrated in the county's history. I am grateful for an advance copy of Owen Davies and Francesca Matteoni (2015), A Virtue Beyond All Medicine: The Hanging Man's Hand, Tradition and the Tripod Healing in Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century England, Social History of Medicine, (May, 2015), Number 2, in draft copy p.